In the aftermath of an outbreak of anti-Muslim violence in India’s Haryana state, Hindu far-right factions have yet again stirred increased communal tensions with their calls for an economic boycott of Muslim businesses and efforts to exclude adherents of Islam from some villages. [1]
The harrowing events in Nuh district, Haryana — triggered by an incident involving a religious procession by the extreme Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) organisation — have drawn heightened concern for India’s increasingly besieged and oppressed Muslim community.
Islamophobic violence erupted last month in Nuh district, leading to a distressing loss of six individuals, among them two security guards. The chaos, unleashed by violent Hindu mobs, swiftly expanded to other districts. Shockingly, a mosque in the city of Gurugram was set ablaze during this period of turmoil, leading to the tragic demise of Mohammad Saad, the mosque’s deputy imam. He was just 22-years-old.
Official action needs to go much further
Although Haryana authorities acted promptly, with 312 arrests and 106 preventive detentions being carried out so far, the state’s Muslim population have been given no guarantees of safety and protection, as evidenced by calls to boycott them.
Furthermore, despite the violence being instigated by Hindu nationalist mobs, the latter have continued to lay blame on Muslim communities and promised to carry out protests against Muslims.
During a 2 August demonstration in Hansi city, a speaker and influencer identified as Krishna Gurjar from the Hindu far-right group Bajrang Dal made concerning remarks.
Gurjar issued an ultimatum, urging local businesses to terminate their Muslim employees or potentially face boycotts, by asserting,
“Any shopkeeper who keeps any Muslim employed in his shop, then we will paste posters for their boycott outside their shops and will declare them traitors of our community.” [1]
Fanning the flames of anti-Muslim hatred
These inflammatory sentiments were conveyed over a loudspeaker on a bustling road, with a substantial crowd, including police officials, in tow.
The disconcerting message has been echoed across more than 50 village governing bodies in the districts of Mahendragarh, Rewari, and Jhajjar.
These communities declared a ban on the entry of Muslim traders in their areas. This prohibition, encompassing various economic activities such as selling goods, buying cattle, and even begging, has elicited concern and condemnation from those who recognise the broader implications of such divisive actions.
Legal expert Shahrukh Alam, who has recently challenged hate speech through legal channels, has denounced the economic boycott calls as a manifestation of systemic violence against Muslims.
This distressing turn of events has even gained support from a prominent right-wing influencer, known for their affiliation with Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
Alam has characterised the statements as violating the law, a sentiment echoed by many who believe in the values enshrined in India’s constitution.
The law expert stated,
“These demands somehow presume that Muslims have a lesser right to this country, and thus they can be ordered out of towns and districts.
“Moreover, such demands violate the integrity and security of the Indian nation. They are violative of guaranteed fundamental rights in the Indian Constitution.” [1]
In response to these disturbing developments, lawyer Kapil Sibal filed a petition with India’s Supreme Court on 8 August, denouncing the calls for economic boycotts against Muslims.
Sibal said in brief remarks,
“These letters banning the entry of Muslim traders are unconstitutional. I don’t think whole villages agree with this.” [1]
Union members also joined forces on the following day in Hisar district, demonstrating against these divisive actions.
Suresh Koth, a farmer and organiser of the protest, asserted that the unconstitutional nature of the letters banning Muslim traders had garnered widespread disapproval.
Koth said,
“We gave a message that the rioters should be arrested and we want peace.” [1]
A grim reminder of Gujarat pogroms
This troubling surge of far-right Hindu extremism in Haryana state has prompted comparisons to the haunting anti-Muslim pogroms that shook Gujarat in 2002.
During this dark and bloody period, Muslim communities in the western state were violently attacked by Hindu mobs after falsely being blamed for instigating an attack against a Hindu religious procession. [2]
Over a period of three days, Hindu fascist mobs rampaged throughout the state, attacking Muslim communities, destroying houses, and burning down businesses. Up to 2,000 Muslims were murdered, with over 200 women and children having been gang-raped and burnt alive. [3]
These figures, however, are mere estimates. The real number of those killed is thought to be higher.
Similar to the backing and protection afforded to Hindu extremists by the far-right BJP government in their attacks against Muslim communities in Haryana and across India, Hindu mobs in the Gujarat pogroms were egged on by the then Chief Minister Narendra Modi. Moreover, state police provided the fascist mobs with the addresses of Muslim homes and businesses and refused to protect the latter. [2]
Exploiting upcoming election to stamp out anti-Muslim rhetoric
The grim parallels between these two incidents underscore the pressing need for action against the virulent rise of toxic, far-right Hindu fascism, which has garnered pace since the rise of Modi and the BJP.
As the Muslim community in India faces a resurgence of Islamophobic rhetoric and acts of violence against their communities, the international community must be reminded of the consequences that such hate can produce.
As the critical 2024 general elections loom large over the Indian populace, Modi and his fascist band of far-right Hindutva allies must not be allowed to use the Muslim community as cannon fodder in garnering support for continued far-right government and Islamophobic policies. All use and dissemination of hate speech against Muslims must be condemned in the strongest terms possible.
Source: Islam21c
Notes
[2] https://www.islam21c.com/campaigns/gujarat-2002-india-state-sponsored-muslim-massacre/
[3] http://archiv.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/volltextserver/4127/1/hpsacp17.pdf
