The ‘authorisation’ that the crook al-Sisi sought was to light a green beacon before his actions and to doom them unquestionable in light of his ‘democracy’.
A more Inclusive Transition? Or a Waged War on the Majority?
Classified a ‘transition’, no indication has suggested that this Egyptian ‘government’ is intending on stepping down to a civilian authority. The observer would assume that ‘a transitional government’ would still represent the Islamic-dominated electorate. Unless, of course if it was installed to achieve the opposite effect. It occurs that Hazem El Beblawi, the ‘interim’ Prime Minister is the founder of social democratic party, an avid liberal economist and was the Head of the Export Development Bank of Egypt during Mubarak’s era (1983-1995).
The socialist replaces Dr. Hesham Qandil, the Minister of Water Resources under the transitional government of Essam Sharaf that followed the 2011 revolution. Dr. Hesham Qandil was not from the Brotherhood but has committed the heinous crime of sporting “a Salafi beard”. This may indicate an illegal heartfelt tendency to the Brotherhood and undoubtedly has ‘an ideology’ that is similar”, or by classification is a ‘religious’ Muslim which is enough of a crime.
Mohamed El Baradei flew from the US in anticipation of Presidency following the 2011 revolution but stepped down before the race. Instead El Baradei hopped onto the bandwagon of the coup and under it was appointed the Vice President of International Relations or the ‘new face of Egypt’. El Baradei’s ‘side affiliation’ is to the National Salvation Front which he had headed and comprises a coalition of leftist and secular groups fervidly opposed to the appearance of Islam on the political landscape. Peculiar comments he has made about the Hijab (veil) question the policies that he may have put to effect against it.Mahmoud Mekki had previously been appointed as Morsi’s Vice President and was classified “a reformist judge who is a revolutionary with Islamist tendencies” before being pushed under the carefully targeted “Islamist-dominated presidential team”. After his resignation, he was suddenly hailed by Egypt’s absurd media as the “first civilian to serve as vice president since Egypt’s 1952 revolution”.
General Abul Fattah al-Sisi was appointed by Dr. Morsi as Defence Minister in August 2012 to replace Mohamed Hussein Tantawi following the latter’s attempt to usurp certain presidential powers. Not surprisingly, even al-Sisi, when in Morsi’s government was labelled by Egyptian media as ‘the Brotherhood’s man in the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF)’. More opposition was conjured up against him through the ‘accusation’ that his wife wore the Niqab. By then the Egyptian Media was desperate to disparage all members of the government by forcing onto them some sort of Islamic affiliation since the campaign against the ‘Brotherhood’ had already been maturing. Al-Sisi had no political affiliation when he was appointed by Morsi but eventually carried out the coup to assume the same position that he was given by Morsi in addition to the new role of Deputy Prime Minister. Undoubtedly, his real authority extends beyond that of a ‘Defence Minister’. This has been emphasised after the appointment of Egypt’s provincial governors such that to please senior army officials and solidify his post as the de facto leader of Egypt. Of the 25 provincial governors named, 19 are generals, 17 from the army and two from the police and two of whom are “Mubarak loyalists” known for their deep hostility towards the Islamists.
Mohamed Ibrahim maintained his position as the Interior Minister after being appointed by President Morsi in January 2013. Ibrahim was criticised for apparently shielding the Muslim Brotherhood’s offices when mobs of anti-Brotherhood bandits were repeatedly vandalising them.  As part of the coup government, his authority has either been assumed by al-Sisi or his sinister disposition as an anti-Muslim villain has been revealed, now that his orders fall hand in hand with the Egyptian security force’s real affiliation. Ibrahim has already vowed to bring back Mubarak-style security “as if it was before January 25, and more”. Such an oath only underpins the conspiracy against Morsi that Ibrahim was part of from the very beginning. After all, was he not the Interior Minister then, responsible for the restoration of security then?
Dr. Ibrahim Ghoneim who holds a Ph.D in Education was selected as Minister of Education exclusively on competence and joined President Morsi’s cabinet. He was also not affiliated to any political party. Dr. Ghoneim was effectively replaced by Hossam Eisa of the coup government. The latter was formally a member of the Nasserist Party’s Political Bureau Sharaf El Din’s accused the masses that stood in support of the ousted, elected government in Rabaa al-Adawiya as a threat to national security and as the cause of frustrating “traffic congestion”. 
President Morsi had furthermore selected El Sayed Hegazy as Finance Minister. Hegazy’s academic research and expertise revolves around Islamic Finance and the law of zakat (alms) and was appointed due to his extensive financial expertise.sup>Hegazy had no political affiliation but was nevertheless displaced by Ahmad Jalal who has worked for the World Bank for 18 years. Even the Minister of Sports, Tahir Abu-Zayd has an affiliation that discredits his impartiality. As a member of the new liberal al-Wafd party with secular grounding, it seems the new cabinet has targeted all sectors of Egypt leaving no room for what more than 70% of Egyptians opted for.
The Military Coup and the Campaign that Followed
General Sisi’s military coup claimed that it was put in effect to answer the calls of the masses who gathered in Tahrir square on the 30th of June 2013. The 30th of June protests indeed won the sympathy of the pre-inclined Egyptian army. Mobs of armed protestors had torched the Brotherhood’s headquarters, killing and injuring scores while tens of thousands surrounded the Presidential Palace, many of whom were armed with shields, clubs, home-made handgunsand Molotov grenades. Huge pro-legitimacy rallies came after the 3rd of July coup, stationed in the Rabaa al-Adawiya and al-Nahda squares of Cairo. These rallies were, however, characterised by strict civilian order, providing demonstrators with meals in Ramadan, full access to television, the internet, an array of businesses and vendors, areas for prayer, segregation facilities, fully-fledged speaker and event programmes and security and play areas for children with bouncy castles and swimming pools.
Unaffected by the demands but exasperated at the resilience of these sit-in protests, coup-government security officials began their bloody campaign. During the dawn prayer of the 8th July, the republican guards of the coup government opened head-directed fire with explosive ammunition at protestors as they were praying, killing 42 individuals and injuring around 500 others. Al-Sisi requested that his supporters demonstrate on the 26th of July to provide “authorisation and an order” for security forces to practice ‘legitimate’ brutality against the protestors and force their dispersion.The general did not step back to anticipate this authorisation nor was he interested in approval of what was to come. The general’s conviction of “violence and terrorism” unfolded into his will to confront what was “anticipated”. His arrogance and insistence on quelling a spring that would doom his feat a failure pushed him to a second major massacre after his 48-hour decree that was issued before his supporters had even gathered. The timing was again dawn, this time on the 27th of July. After the 48 hour ultimatum, security forces stormed Rabaa al-Adawiya, adhering to a ‘shoot to kill’ policy and murdered more than 100 protestors and injured scores. Al-Sisi had escalated the situation from an illegal coup to a fully-waged military war on the Egyptian populace, however, international response was categorised by weakness and utter disdain. The British Foreign Ministry curbed its condemnation to the words “now is the time for dialogue”.
When it became clear that his Pharaoh-like demeanour will only arouse enthusiasm and further defiance, he, with his coup government took their crimes to a level Egypt has not seen the likes of. Egyptian forces brutally stormed the two sites Rabaa and al-Nahda, assisted by bulldozers, snipers and helicopter fire, dispersing the two sit-ins with all what he had in his depository. Hours on end of indiscriminate fire resulted in the murder of over 2600 protestors and the inuring of a total innumerable.Security forces went on to blaze the Rabaamakeshift hospital that still contained causalities, some of whom were still alive in order to destroy any remaining evidence. not only demonstrates the cheapness of Egyptian blood in the sight of the world, but questions who the real players in the global conspiracy against political Islam are. These shallow words have nevertheless fallen onto deaf ears and have reassured the hearts of the perpetrators that this is the limit of international condemnation. The “Day of Rage” turned into an evening of bloodshed” when security forces continued their onslaught onto Cairo’s Ramsis-Square, killing more than 100 civilians and forcing them to set up makeshift hospitals in Al-Fateh mosque. Amidst a swarm of outlaws, security forces barraged the mosque with bursts of gun-fire and then stormed the mosque in defiance to all religious and international customs, severely beating those who had taken refuge inside.
Egypt’s Made-to-Die Democratic Experiment
Liberal, leftist coalitions and international powers, at their forefront the US would repeatedly speak of a non-inclusive and non-diverse government during the presidency of Morsi. They claimed that the international community anticipates “a government that accommodates women and Christians.” Few people, however, stopped to question this rhetoric. Why should a government that has secured a majority in the five successive elections, the general is enough, be ‘inclusive’ if the majority of the electorate have demanded that it be in power? Is this not undermining the choice of the Egyptian voter? In the UK, the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats secured a combined 59.1% of the 2010 general election and occupy a corresponding proportion (364 seats) of parliament. David Cameron then formed a coalition cabinet that contains only members of the coalition government and has limited female representation.
Personal ideological adherence is not usually a criterion for selecting cabinet members, so long as the Secretary of State or Minister belongs to the respective political party. If personal ideology were a requirement as compelled on Morsi’s cabinet, why is there not a single Muslim British Secretary of State? According to the international community’s old rhetoric towards Morsi’s government, at least one ‘Conservative Party’ Muslim should be included in the cabinet since 5% of the UK is Muslim.Democracy revolves around the remit that if a majority vote is secured, a corresponding representation is formed in government. It is the choice of that government if it chooses to be ‘inclusive’ or not. Anyone who fails to accede to this philosophy should lift their hands from their desire for democracy and from its practice.
The ‘authorisation’ that the crook al-Sisi sought was to light a green beacon before his actions and to doom them unquestionable in light of his ‘democracy’. This ‘authorisation’ has allowed al-Sisi to persist in his genocide against political Islam while certain international governments, particularly the US play along as the ‘fool’, duped by his many supporters. After all, who needs elections or referendums when a CCTV camera hung on the skids of a helicopter can do the same job? It does not matter if a Constituent Assembly works for six months, discussing a comprehensive constitution under the limelight and then submits the results to the electorate for its ratification. The US refuses to acknowledge that a constitution is being drawn up behind closed doors by ten bandits and film makers. So long as the Muslim Brotherhood and the Islamic parties are not involved, the real will of the electorate overlooked, let all be allowed, we cannot see and to hell with democracy.
If the ongoing situation in Egypt has taught us anything, it has taught us that the repercussions of what we say can be devastating. Too many pessimist onlookers, including many in the Muslim community believed that the changes post the 2011 revolution were by the will of the Zionists, using this presumption as a reason to parrot the attacks levelled by the liberals against Morsi. Regardless of any reservation any individual may have towards the political philosophy of the Brotherhood, this is not the time to criticise them destructively. The coup was opposed by a wide spectrum of the Egyptian community, up to 70% of the country according to some polls. Despite this, the Brotherhood is at the solid core of the struggle. It is not a struggle for leadership, waged by “supporters” while its leaders stay put. Rather it is a struggle for the preservation of Islam in Egypt’s state of affairs that has taken the Brotherhood’s top leader Mohammed Badie to jail,has mercilessly killed his son,“shot” and “crushed” to death the daughter of Mohammed al-Beltagi, the secretary general of the movementas well as dozens of supporters, in the streets of Egypt and cold-bloodedly in its jails.
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